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Federal Democratic Republic of Nanwen

Nanwen Minzhu Lianbang Gongheguo
Flag of Nanwen
Anthem: "The South is Red"
Location of Nanwen(dark green)
Location of Nanwen(dark green)
Capital Yunnan
Official languages
  • Nanwen Guanyu
  • Arki
  • Qi
Ethnic groups
Ethnicities of Nanwen
  • 40.1% Hanzu
  • 22.7% Arki
  • 17.2% Qi
  • 4% Dzhong
  • 3% Hui
  • 13% Other
Religions of Nanwen
  • 47% No religion or Folk Religion
  • 22.3% Taoism
  • 16.2% Bon
  • 9.1% Wenzheng
  • 3% Islam
  • 2.4% Other
Demonym Nanwenese
Government Federal dominant-party semi-presidential republic
• President
Feng Lizheng
• Prime Minister
Zhyge Nasu
Legislature Supreme People's Assembly
Council of Nationalities
Council of People's Deputies
1,180,200 km2 (455,700 sq mi)
• Water (%)
• 2019 census
GDP (PPP) 2020 estimate
• Total
1.995 trillion
• Per capita
GDP (nominal) 2020 estimate
• Total
1.19 trillion
• Per capita
Gini 38.9
HDI Increase 0.793
Currency Renminbi
Date format mm-dd-yyyy
Driving side right
Internet TLD .nw

Nanwen(南文) officially the Federal Democratic Republic of Nanwen(南文民主联邦共和国) is a sovereign state located in Eastern Kesh. It is a federation consisting of 17 federal subjects. It borders Hydar to the North, Prabhat to the South, and Qingcheng to the East. The country has a coastline along the Tethys Ocean. The country has a population of 105 million making it the XX largest in the world. The coastal regions are the most habitable and host to Nanwen's largest city and capital of Yunnan. The interior of the country is dominated by the Sipsongchau rainforest and Jinyang savanna. Nanwen's population consists of a mixture of Hanzu populating the coastal lowlands, Arki people in the interior, the Qi in the North, and a variety of smaller ethnic groups along the Southern frontiers.

Nanwen was initially populated by Qi and Arki confederacies, with a small population of Han on the northern part of the coast. The small Han principalities eventually unified into the state of Wu, while the U Confederacy united the Arki peoples. The monarchy of U was eventually able to seize control of Wu, establishing the state of U-Wu in 328. U-Wu is considered the first Nanwenese state, though it covered only a third of modern Nanwen's territory. U-Wu was able to establish hegemonic dominance over the Qi states, but did not actually take political control. By the 8th century U-Wu's power had faded and most of its vassals existed in name only. After defeating Yan, the Xie dynasty of Kodeshia invaded and destroyed U-Wu. After brieftly regaining independence, the Min dynasty was able to fully defeat U-wu, establishing the Southern Protectorate in its place and a number of newly independent post-Uwu states. Nanwen would remain under loose Kodeshian control the next seven centuries, undergoing increased Kodeshian influence in its culture as well as migration by Kodeshian peoples and the Han in particular further South. After Qingcheng gained independence, Kodeshian control of Nanwen similarly evaporated. Nanwen collapsed into the warring states period, until it was reunified in 1644 by the Later Wu dynasty that renamed itself the Ji dynasty upon taking power and was the first state to call itself "Nanwen". The Ji saw a period of economic growth and a second Golden age, however by the 19th century, it began to fall behind the rest of world in technology. The Ji Dynasty would remain in power until 1917 when it was overthrown by the Hetuanhui. A series of civil wars followed until the People's Revolutionary Front took power under Yang Kui. He was suceeded by Wei Leifeng who turned the country in a Volkovist direction. After Wei's death Nanwen was governed by a collective presidency, however a series of economic crises in the late 1980s saw the nation descend into a brief civil war. The country was reunified in 1993 by the NRF-DSU, which has led the country since then.

Nanwen is considered a developed middle-upper income country. It has a mixed economy driven by mass industrialization under the PRF. The state, though ostensibly democratic is functionally a one-party state. Nanwen today has a strong economy driven by a growing service sector and increased opening to the outside world. The countries grapples with the transition from a centrally-planned industrial economy to a high-tech post-industrial mixed economy. Nanwen has faced struggles in protecting the unity of the multi-ethnic state as well as severe regional inequalities.


Early History

Nanwen was not a united state for most of its early history. Instead, most of the constituent ethnic groups of the country organized their own polities. The Arki confederacies in the South, the Qi states in the North, and the Han states in the East formed distinct cultures. The earliest to form into an organized state were the Han. The first Han states were organized as feudal societies. Due to the monsoon climate and long dry seasons, control over water was required to maintain sustainable agriculture. The first Han states were hydraulic societies that built large dykes and earthworks to store water during the dry season and maintain consistent irrigation for their fields. The early Han states were led by Priest-Kings who claimed divine connection to the rain gods and magical control over water. Han legend speaks of a three-way war between the Iron King, the Crane King, and the Sand King. According to the myth, during the decisive battle near modern Yunnan, a dragon swallowed the sun striking fear into the hearts of all three rulers who chose peace instead. Together they formed the Wu state. The Wu state was organized into three parts, Mo, Hu, and Meng representing the realms of the three Kings, and a capital on the island of Dayun. A ruler named the Water Dragon Emperor was chosen by the three kings, allegedly a random commoner at the battlefield. Wu state was governed by the rulers of the three kingdoms who could oversee the decisions of the Water Dragon Emperor. The Wu state quickly absorbed all remaining Han states and became the dominant state of Eastern Nanwen.

In the ???? mountains of southern Nanwen, the Arki people formed a number of tribal confederacies ruled by an elected High Chief. They shared this region with the Dzhong ethnic group which was similarly organized. The Dzhong are believed to have been native to the region with the Arki as relative newcomers that adopted many Dzhong customs and language. The largest confederacy was the U confederacy. The Arki confederacies had a strict caste system including a ruler-warrior caste, a priest caste, and a caste of workers. Power in the confederacies was shared between the priests and warriors. Conflict was very prevalent between Arki chiefdoms with warriors serving as military commanders. Domestic rulership was exerted by the priestly caste who oversaw the storage of grain. A defining characteristic of the Arki societies were major granaries that were required due to climatic instability. The Dzhong-dominated Kang confederacy was initially dominant over the ???? region. However, the U Confederacy was able to secure an alliance with the Wu state in the 1st century. At the battle of Xiling they routed the Kang army and wiped out much of its warrior caste. The Kang confederacy quickly imploded and U established control over the ???? mountains.

In the Sipsongchau rainforest, Qi tribes also coalesced into more centralized societies. In contrast to the Han state and Arki confederacies, the Qi tribes governed themselves as largely stateless societies. While the Qi developed relatively large populations for a stateless society, the geography of the Sipsongchau meant that they did not initially form large settlements like the Arki or Han. The Qi villages remained highly autonomous from one another with no permanent rulers. Hierarchical leadership only formed during war time when groups of villages would elect a war-chief to lead them in battle.

U-Wu Era

In 214 the Wu state formed an alliance with the U confederacy in the modern day Wuzhou region. The Kang confederacy had weakened the U confederacy and pushed it nearly out of the Arki-Dzhong region. The U-Wu alliance counter-attacked against the Kang confederacy and completely destroyed the it, securing U domination of the Arki-Dzhong region. The U and Wu states were never formally unified into a single entity. The High King of U and Emperor of Wu remained two separate positions for the entire period from the beginning of the alliance to the conquest by Kodeshia. Political unification between Wu and U began with the creation of the Beiyin(北尹), the governor of the modern Zhongshan region that was a condominium of Wu and U. The position of Beiyin was granted to the Mi family who governed the territory using a corps of both U and Wu officials. The Beiyin paid taxes to both the U and Wu courts, supported its own army, and operated on its own laws. By the late 3rd century expansion by the U-Wu alliance into Shanxi, Kangzhou, and Shannan brought an expansive territory into the joint hands of U-Wu. As part of their alliances, most of the newly conquered land was not ceded to either state directly, but rather ceded to the governorship of the Beiyin. Each court would be ceded only the rights to taxes in the conquered regions.

Eventually the position of Beiyin was replaced by the Shangyin(上尹) with some areas administered by the Zuoyin(左尹) and Youyin(右尹). During the War of Four Princes in Wu, Shangyin Mi Luo used his army to place his preferred candidate on the Wu throne, who promptly named him Grand Chancellor of the Wu court. He then appointed himself supreme commander of the Wu army and integrated the two positions, effectively becoming the military dictator of Wu. Mi Luo attempted a coup in U to install himself as High King, but his attempt was repulsed and he was killed. Mi Luo’s son Mi Ying was more prudent in his plans to take over U. He rigged the election of the U High King in 327 to install a member of the Ger clan, which had strong marriage ties with the Mi clan. The High King then ceded non-Arki parts of U to the Shangyin administration and named Mi Ying as “Supreme General that guards the Border”, in charge of maintaining military control over the borders of the remaining U territory. Due to the U caste system, Mi Ying could not take direct power in U like in Wu, nor could he command the U army itself. However, the Shangyin's army was allowed in U and put most of it under military occupation except Lokhla.

Due to the multiple layers of overlapping ownership and rights to each region, U-Wu developed an extremely complex political geography. Despite the power of the Shangyin in the U-Wu system, several regions remained outside his control. Lokhla, the island of Dayun, several estates of the Wu Emperor, and a handful of the Bon monasteries remained autonomous. Both the High King of Lokhla and the Wu Emperor continued to hold tax concessions and drew most of their wealth from areas under the control of the Shangyin. U-Wu simultaneously developed a feudal system, with the Shangyin ceding lands to a set of vassals under contract. U-Wu ultimately consisted of territories directly controlled by the Shangyin through Xianyin, territories ceded to vassals known as Gong or Dukes, and territories controlled directly by the Emperor or High King.

Kodeshian Rule and Seven Kingdoms

Ji Dynasty

Nanyang Revolution

The Hexie Emperor, the last Emperor of Nanwen

Despite the mixed Arki and Han origins of the imperial family itself, since the foundation of the Ji dynasty, the administration was dominated by the Han. Always a frontier region of the Kodeshian sphere, Nanwen had developed an economy dependent on international trade. Throughout the 19th century, an increasingly isolationist Ji Dynasty had undermined the Nanwenese economy by closing off the country to the outside world intermittently. In 1904, the Hexie Emperor attempted to rectify the economic and technological decline of the Ji Empire by dispatching dozens of the most promising Nanwenese youth to the outside world to study foreign technology. While the program succeeded in bringing back foreign knowledge, it also began the import of radical revolutionary ideas. Continued attempts to industrialize the Nanwenese economy were generally a failure as the divided and poorly governed country failed to attract foreign investment. The Hexie Emperor's attempts to impose reforms and establish a modernized bureaucratic administration were undermined by his own court. As his attempts became more aggressive, a group of reactionary officials carried out a coup removing most reformists from government and putting the emperor under house arrest. This would prove to be a fatal blow to the Ji Empire as the sudden purge of officials combined with a weakening economy led to the central government rapidly losing control of the Northern rainforests. At the same time, a series of anti-imperial revolutionary groups started to form in secret. These included the Dark Ocean Society, Great Forest Society, and most importantly the Harmonious Union Society or Hetuanhui led by Zhang Siping.

Revolutionary leader Zhang Siping

The Great War further reduced the trade that Nanwen was so dependent on, such that by 1917 the economy had declined to less than half of what it was in 1900. Rising inflation led to riots erupting in many major cities, including Yunnan. Hetuanhui agents organized militias against the imperial government and stormed the Nanyang fortress in Nanhaiguan on December 9th 1917. This date is regarded as the start of the Nanyang Revolution. The Hetuanhui was initially dominated by the "Rightist" faction - supporters of a constitutional monarchy modeled after ????. However, as the Hetuanhui's National Restoration Army(NRA) marched on Yunnan, the Hexie Emperor suddenly died, likely assassinated by counter-revolutionary officials. In response, the Hetuanhui proclaimed a "Republic of Nanwen" with Nanhaiguan as its provisional capital. The NRA's march on Yunnan was abruptly halted on March 18th, 1918 as General Dai Yun carried out a coup against the remnants of the imperial government on the grounds that they had murdered the Hexie Emperor. Dai Yun signed an agreement with the Hetuanhui to make himself provisional President of the Republic of Nanwen on May 8th 1918, re-uniting the country after the brief civil war.

However, this peace was short-lived as Dai Yun grew increasingly dictatorial and side-lined the revolutionaries in favor of a clique of former imperial officers. In 1919, he even had Zhang Siping arrested on charges of being a foreign spy. This led to the February 8th incident as a group of Hetuanhui members raided the prison Zhang Siping was imprisoned in, freed him, and brought him back to their stronghold of Nanhaiguan. Nanwen quickly collapsed into a second civil war between Zhang's government in Nanhaiguan and Dai's government in Yunnan. The pro-Zhang National Restoration Army and pro-Dai Harmonious Army clashed in a series of large battles along the East coast of Nanwen. The second civil war led to a collapse of government authority in the north, which was never really brought back under government control since 1912. The Autumn Harvest uprising led by Ngawang Dorji erupted in the northern provinces after the particularly disastrous series of floods. The rebels declared the "Federal State of Nanwen” with its capital in the highland city of Semkyinyida. Things were only further complicated with Zhang's sudden death in early 1920, leading to a splinter in the Hetuanhui. A moderate faction led by Ling Qiming formed the Constitutional Democratic Party(CDP) while the more radical faction associated with Long Meng and Cui Cao formed the National Revolutionary Party(NRP). The NRP quickly allied itself with the Semkyinyida-based government as well as the nascent Communist Party of Nanwen. Together they declared the formation of the National Unity Front of Nanwen and its National Liberation Army. The NLA clashed with both pro-CDP and pro-Dai forces throughout 1920. By 1921, the CDP had been crushed by Dai's Harmonious Army who held most of southern Nanwen against the NLA. In spring of 1922 the NLA launched its Southern Expedition, defeating Dai in the Beihai campaign. They took Yunnan on October 8th, 1922 declaring the formation of the Federal Republic of Nanwen. Dai Yun fled into exile shortly after Yunnan was taken.

Yang-Wei Era

Nanwenese Civil War and Contemporary History

In 1982 Wei Leifeng died, ending a 57 year period of one-man rule in Nanwen. In his later years, as Chairman Wei grew more and more suspicious of the military and bureaucratic establishment, he sought to decentralize power in Nanwen. The legacy of this is found in the 1982 Constitution of Nanwen, also known as “Council Constitution”, which he arranged to be passed on his deathbed. The new Constitution incorporated aspects of council communism into the Nanwenese system. The role of the ruling party was reduced in favor of basic people’s councils that were established in all organizations from neighborhoods to schools to factories. These were organized hierarchically into regional people’s councils up to the General People’s Council which served as the legislature. The GPC’s standing committee of seven members served as the collective head of state, replacing the Chairmanship held by Yang and Wei. Economic reorganization also continued with widespread transfer of industry into state or cooperative ownership. Workers’ self-management was implemented across the economy, at the same time economic planning was decentralized to the relevant people’s councils. The states of Nanwen were officially autonomous since the Nanyang revolution, however the Council Constitution actually devolved significant power to them. The PRF remained the sole legal party, however the ban on factions was lifted allowing increased internal debate of policy, the party’s monopoly on candidate nomination was also abolished, leading to majority-independent bodies. Independents were able to gain control of the newly autonomous governments of several states and form unofficial opposition groups. The Group of Regional Delegates was able to gain several seats in the GPC and establish itself as a ‘‘de facto’’ opposition, seeking to end the PRF’s control over the government. Separatist independents were also able to gain several seats in more isolated and underdeveloped parts of Nanwen. These reforms were initially welcomed enthusiastically by most segments of society. Economic growth increased due to more effective planning and average income rose. Liberalization of cultural policy led to an explosion in Nanwenese consumer culture, including the origin of Nanwenese pop music. Cultural freedoms soon led to the end of many traditional taboos. Widespread public discussion of traditionally repressed topics flourished. The Nanwenese LGBT movement traces its history to the Councilist era.

Despite the original successes of the Council Constitution, the Yindong Crisis that erupted across Kesh hit Nanwen by 1987. The economic situation quickly deteriorated and the country experienced hyperinflation by 1988. Protests against the PRF erupted first in Nanhaiguan, and soon spread across the entire country. While hardliners in some provinces, notably Pingdong used force against the protestors, the national government was unwilling to. The first major organized anti-government group was the National Liberation Movement in 1990. Consisting of a mixture of nationalists and hardline Volkovists, they saw the liberalizations of the 1982 constitution as the origin of Nanwen’s problems and sought to replace it with a more centralized system. Despite their head start, the NLM was quickly displaced by the Democratic Progressive Movement, a liberal student movement that sought to overthrow communism altogether and replace it with a market economic system. Despite their ideological differences, the NLM and DPM were able to force the PRF government to accept multi-party elections in 1991 and the latter organized into the Democratic Progressive Party. The DPP was followed by the regionalist Party of Regions and the ultranationalist Tiandi Party. Polling quickly revealed that the PRF was set to lose the election by a landslide. NRA members in the PRF attempted first to delay the elections leading to violent clashes and the PRF losing control of several areas. They then carried out a coup, deposing the GPC and installing the National Salvation Committee. The NSC faced a major civil war against leftists, ultra-nationalists, and separatists. The NSC attempted to establish political legitimacy through its National Salvation and Reconstruction Party, but it failed to be seen as anything except a cynical political tool. Fighting raged across Nanwen with seperatist proto-states being formed in the North by 1992. The Arki National Republic declared independence from the central government and launched an offensive towards Yunnan. By early 1993 the NSC was on the brink of collapse, having lost control of nearly every region except for Yunnan. With fears of the entire nation falling apart, a soft coup was carried out within the NSC which was renamed the National Defense Council, and negotiation was opened with more moderate rebel factions. This culminated in the formation of the Popular Front in February of 1993, integrating thousands of soldiers and areas back into government hands. The Popular Front and NDC led a successful counterattack against the Arki National Republic, which ceased to exist by summer of 1993. Most coastal cities that remained in rebel hands were swiftly retaken. In late 1993, the NDC abolished itself and established the non-communist Federal Democratic Republic of Nanwen, while the Popular Front was reorganized into the NRF-DSU.

Despite the defeat or reconciliation of all major rebel factions, a low-level insurgency continued in Nanwen. Anarchist groups remained in the jungles waging an insurgency against the new government. Ultranationalist terror cells continued to carry out occasional attacks. This continued until the Nanwen government declared a war on terror in 2000 that led to the last rebels being eliminated in 2001, marking the complete end of the civil war. NDC-aligned officials attempted to continue the NSC’s campaign of shock therapy, however it was blocked by leftists from the NRF-DSU. Anti-NDC protests in 1994 led to the NRF-DSU under Feng Lizheng completely purging the state of NDC influences, reducing them to figurehead positions. Feng Lizheng oversaw the nation’s economic policy shift from self-reliance towards export-oriented growth. The government also focused on corporatism over class struggle to achieve rapid economic growth. Despite the cost in workers rights and income inequality, Nanwen was quickly able to develop its economy and return to pre-war levels by 1998. This period saw the emergence of the economic structure of modern Nanwen. The Feng government also saw a decentralization of power similar to the 1982 constitution, allowing Semkyin a high degree of autonomy in remaining essentially communist in exchange for its strong support. By the time of the first post-war election in 1999, all major parties were part of the NRF-DSU and the party had already gained influence in nearly every organization. As a result, it won a landslide victory alongside its bloc parties, who won 98% of the seats in the Congress of People’s Deputies. Nanwen continued to see rapid economic growth in the 2000s of up to 11% per year, with the nation far outstripping its pre-war GDP. Opening to foreign trade led to an unprecedented cultural exchange between Nanwen and the rest of the world. Nanwenese media and culture saw massive changes with globalization in the early 2000s, with Nanwenese pop music and animation in particular growing in popularity at home and abroad. Feng stepped down as the General Secretary in 2004, with Wu Ayan replacing him. Wu oversaw another decade of relatively strong growth with an average rate of 7% until he stepped down in 2014 despite the 2009 crisis.

Wang Dahe succeeded Wu Ayan as the General Secretary of the NRF-DSU in 2014. Feng Lizheng was given the title of President as a figurehead. Wang has seen the refocusing of Nanwen away from being a producer of cheap consumer goods towards higher end products. The Nanwenese government has also shifted towards eco-tourism and in turn tried to protect the environment. Recent issues that have arisen include systemic government corruption, particularly in relation to the caifa. Furthermore economic growth has slowed to an average of 4% under the current administration. In 2019 protests broke out in Yunnan from leftist and liberal youth seeking a more open political system, seeking to end the de facto one-party NRF-DSU rule. These contributed to the NRF-DSU seeing its worst ever results in the 2020 local elections, proving another threat to Wang Dahe’s leadership.






Nanwen is officially a federal multi-party semi-presidential republic. It is divided into 17 federal sujects consisting of 14 states, two municipalities, and a special territory. The constitution declares the country to be based on the unity of all national ethnic groups and classes, as well as the country's dedication to "overcoming the exploitation of man by man" and being "on the path to modern socialism". The country was a single-party state for most of the 20th century and continues to be one de facto. Nanwen has been variously described as corporatist and authoritarian. The government is based on the representation and inclusion of interest groups with a goal of maintaining order and sustained growth.

National Social Revolutionary Party

The government of Nanwen is effectively controlled by the National Revolutionary Front of Democratic Social Unity(NRF-DSU). It is also commonly referred to as the National Social Revolutionary Party(NSRP). While many parties are represented in the SPA, most are either satellite parties of the NRF-DSU or otherwise marginal. The NRF-DSU has held a super-majority in the SPA since its foundation. The party has also controlled the Premiership and Presidency since its foundation. The party is a result of the merger of the military-backed Democratic Unity Party and ex-Volkovist National Revolutionary Front in the aftermath of the Nanwenese Civil War. The party is an expansive organization that registers nearly a quarter of the population as members and has been characterized as a state within a state. The Chairman of the NRF-DSU is often reckoned as the true power in Nanwen, above both the President and Prime Minister. Since the foundation of the NRF-DSU, it has practiced a policy of collective leadership with high-level party leaders generally not holding state positions. The NRF-DSU's influence on Nanwen is pervasive and has been characterized as totalitarian, despite the ostensibly democratic functioning of the state. The NRF-DSU does not practice active manipulation of voter. However, elections are considered unfair as practically all media, schools, and workplaces are under NRF-DSU influence. In many electoral seats, the NRF-DSU or its allies are the only parties presenting candidates at all. The NRF-DSU has been accused of carrying out voter suppression and political persecution against its opponents through para-legal means.

The NRF-DSU is governed by its General Party Congress. The Party Congress is elected by all party cells across the country, it convenes once every three years. The General Congress elects the Central Committee, Censorate, Secretariat, and Chairman. The former three function as the executive, judicial, and judicial branches of the Party respectively, while the Chairman oversees activities of the other bodies. The Secretariat oversees a number of bureaus that shadow the state institutions of Nanwen and inform party policy in those areas such as the Party Foreign Affairs Research Office. It also oversees the Corporate Planning Council, consisting of representatives from all party cells in major firms and exerting de facto planning control over the Nanwenese Economy. The CPC is considered one of the most powerful organs in the entire Nanwenese party-state. The Central Committee is in charge of actually implementing policy and directly controls the party cells in every institution, it controls the shadow bureaus consisting of all nomenklatura in each institution. The most notable is the Politburo that effectively controls the Nanwenese government. The Censorate is considered the real court system of Nanwen and is able to censure and remove any members from the party with removal from state institutions being a rubber-stamp.

The NRF-DSU's own ideology is relatively vague. The official platform is known as "socialism with Nanwen characteristics". However many observers note that it has little resemblance to socialism beyond governement intervention in the economy. It is broadly nationalist and populist, being strongly opposed to seperatist tendencies within Nanwen. The party also supports social corporatism and the unity of the ethnic groups of the nation, with party organs representing all functional groups of society. A broad idea of modernization ha s also been important in the NRF-DSU's ideology, most focused on technology and industrialization. However the NRF-DSU has also defined itself in opposition to "reactionary feudalists". As a result of it being an amalgamation of various political movements, a number of currents exist within the party. They span from fascist groups to Neo-Volkovist ones. Internal elections within the NRF-DSU are extremely competitive and there fierce conflict between the factions. Liberals and developmentalist conservatives currently dominate the party. Despite this, in recent years the NRF-DSU has shifted towards the extreme. An Najiluvist influenced movement called the New People's Platform has also become increasingly influential alongside the ultranationalist National Revival Movement.


Feng Lizheng
Feng Lizheng, President of Nanwen
Zhyge Nasu
Zhyge Nasu, Prime Minister of Nanwen
Wang Dahe
Wang Dahe, Chairman of the NRF-DSU

The President of Nanwen serves as the head of state, convenes and dissolves the Supreme People's Assembly, and may veto legislation. The President rarely acts without the agreement of the Prime Minister. The position is usually held by an older party leader who is mainly tasked with maintaining the stability of the government and preventing chaos. It is currently held by Feng Lizheng who was the NRF-DSU leader from 1997 to 2005. The Prime Minister and State Council are elected by the Supreme People's Assembly at the recommendation of the President. The Prime Minister is in charge of the executive branch on a day-to-day basis and coordinates the work of the State Council. The state council consists of the heads of the various Commissariats of the Nanwenese Government. It may issue decrees by a majority vote of its members, though the decree must be reviewed and may be rejected by the Supreme People's Assembly. The Prime Minister is usually held by the NRF-DSU, but the Vice-Premierships are usually granted to independents or members of allied bloc parties.

The Supreme People's Assembly consists of the Council of Nationalities and the Council of People's Deputies. The former is elected by ethnic groups by ethnic voter rolls, proportional to the size of the rolls. The Council of the People's Deputies is the standing committee of the Congress of People's Deputies. The Congress of People's Deputies is a five part body that consists of the Committee of the Masses, the Committee of Corporations, the Committee of Social Organizations, Committee of Defense, and the Committee of Experts. The first three are elected by geographic electoral constituencies, employer organizations and trade unions, and social mass organizations respectively. The Committee of Defense is appointed by the military while the Committee of Experts is appointed by the State Council at the suggestion of the President or academic organizations. The Congress of People's Deputies is the ultimate power in the Nanwenese government. It is regularly convened every two years for a three week period where it reviews the activities of the government, denounces and removes unsatisfactory officials, issues pardons, amends the constitution, and elects the Council of People's Deputies. The Congress also has the power to revoke any legislation passed in the previous years. Each Committee of the Congress is convened somewhat more regularly to address issues relevant to their own constituents. The Council of People's Deputies is largely a rubber stamp for decisions made by the NRF-DSU and the State Council, thought it played an instrumental role in the Nanwenese Civil War.

The Judicial branch consists of the Supreme Court and other federal courts appointed by the State Council at the suggestion of the President. Judicial independence in Nanwen is considered weak as judges are often tied to the party. Judicial appointments serve for life on the Supreme Court, however they must be renewed every 10 years on federal level. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is elected by its members and oversees the entire judicial system. The Supreme Court is the second-highest court of appeals. However, with the approval of the State Council, a case may be presented to the Congress of People's Deputies. Each federal subject has its own court system, there are differences in the appointment of judges in different regions. Some regions such as Yunnan elect judges, others like Ninghui appoint judges, many regions used a mixed system where an elected committee appoints judges. All decisions of the regional court system can be appealed to the Supreme Court. The court system is based around civil law for the most part, however in some specific cases customary laws are also accepted, particularly in regards to minority regions.

Administrative Divisions

File:Nanwen province map.svg
Federal subjects of Nanwen

Nanwen is divided into 17 federal subjects. They include States, Municipalities, and Special Territories. The most common are the states, of which there are 14. States are meant to grant ethnic autonomy to a region and ethnic group. Most states trace their borders to the provinces of the Ji dynasty, however some are much younger. States have a large degree of political autonomy, they maintain state militias and have extensive regulatory power. States have the authority to form second-level administrative divisions as they wish, but all are divided into prefectures or prefectural cities. Nanwen has two municipalities, Semkyin and Yunnan, which is also the capital. Yunnan has many urban distrcits that function as cities in themselves. Semkyin has a unique system of autonomous zones that governs it. The only special territory is Ninghui, a Hui and Muslim majority region in the north of the country. Ninghui was once known as the Northern Frontier Territory where it was the setting of the Northern Frontier War and Nanwen-Hydar War. During the war it was renamed Ninghui, but remained a territory with its own political status. Unlike states, Ninghui is governed in part by the Northern Development Corp, a militarized corporation that owns most economic enterprises in the are as well as providing a large paramilitary garrison. Prefectural divisions exist in Ninghui on paper only, in practice Ninghui is divided into operational zones, developmental zones, and urban zones with corporate officials in place.

Guanyu Name Arki Name Qi Name Language(s) Capital Area (km2) Population
Population density (pop/km2)


Tibetan Name Photepai Guanyu, Qi, Tujia Capital, Name 145,023 km2 (55,994 sq mi) 891,922 6.15/km2 (15.9/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Tyulan Guanyu, Qi, Hui Linhu 24,690 km2 (9,530 sq mi) 6,784,391 274.78/km2 (711.7/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Tshumatsuatshi Guanyu Juda Rmea 88,360 km2 (34,120 sq mi) 6,566,505 74.32/km2 (192.5/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Tshuamanilatsa Guanyu Zhongjing 158,212 km2 (61,086 sq mi) 9,855,231 62.29/km2 (161.3/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Photelan Guanyu, Arki, Qi Gyalrong 108,742 km2 (41,986 sq mi) 1,334,788 12.27/km2 (31.8/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Amanibietsa Guanyu Tiemenguan 58,956 km2 (22,763 sq mi) 1,331,561 22.59/km2 (58.5/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Tshualiogo Guanyu Gesar 36,389 km2 (14,050 sq mi) 1,362,716 37.45/km2 (97.0/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Tshumatsualan Guanyu Ali 47,872 km2 (18,483 sq mi) 1,124,891 23.5/km2 (61/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Kanglepa Guanyu Yarlung 123,604 km2 (47,724 sq mi) 1,439,981 11.65/km2 (30.2/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Ulepa Guanyu Lokhla 147,772 km2 (57,055 sq mi) 6,456,988 43.7/km2 (113/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Tshualan Guanyu Yuezhou 62,637 km2 (24,184 sq mi) 2,344,812 37.43/km2 (96.9/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Zikomanibietsa Guanyu, Arki Nandao 64,091 km2 (24,746 sq mi) 10,677,189 166.59/km2 (431.5/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Tsuemanibietsa Guanyu Yanzhou 5,650 km2 (2,180 sq mi) 11,344,541 2,007.88/km2 (5,200.4/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Tsuelan Guanyu Nanhaiguan 12,840 km2 (4,960 sq mi) 9,451,671 736.11/km2 (1,906.5/sq mi)
Special Territories(特别行政区)


Tibetan Name Ningwi Guanyu, Hui Xian 77,622 km2 (29,970 sq mi) 1,123,677 14.48/km2 (37.5/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Yunnan Guanyu Dongjing District 4,138 km2 (1,598 sq mi) 29,344,221 7,091.4/km2 (18,367/sq mi)


Tibetan Name Semkyin Guanyu Semkyin 13,761 km2 (5,313 sq mi) 3,867,456 281.04/km2 (727.9/sq mi)

Foreign Relations



The military of Nanwen is the National Revolutionary Armed Forces(NRAF) under the control of the Ministry of Defense, with the President as the Commander-in-Chief. The NRAF consists of the four main services: the National Revolutionary Army(NRA), National Revolutionary Fleet(NRF), National Revolutionary Aerospace Forces(NRAF), and National Revolutionary Guard(NRG). There is also the People’s Militia(PM), a paramilitary force that is directly under the President and regional leaders’ control.

The National Revolutionary Army is the oldest branch of the armed forces, founded in 1920 as the National Liberation Army before being renamed to the NRA after the National Unity Front took power. The National Revolutionary Navy was founded in 1923. After >Insert inconclusive war in the 1920s< here, the NRAF’s failures led to a series of reforms, including the establishment of the Air Force. The Revolutionary Guard was established by Yang Kui in 1929 to cement his power due to distrust of his military leaders. The Revolutionary Guard functioned as an internal security force, guarding borders, railroads, and government installations. The Revolutionary Guard has since established a large number of special forces formations, as well as taking control of some economic institutions. During the single-party period the NRAF was directly subservient to the party and state through parallel Central Military Committees. After the official end of single-party rule, the NRF-DSU still maintains a Military Research Department under the Secretariat and military bureaus under the Central Committee.

The NRAF maintains policies of conscription. All citizens, regardless of gender, are conscripted into the NRAF for at least 6 months. Conscripts that have not been accepted into higher education have to serve an additional 6 months, receiving some form of technical training. After ending their conscription, former soldiers are automatically placed into the reserve and the People’s Militia for another 5 years. The NRAF itself numbers 320,000, the People’s Militia and reserves have an additional 2.1 million.

Human Rights

Nanwen has generally had a poor human rights record throughout its history. Since the Nanyang Revolution, every Nanwenese government has granted rights to a fair trial, freedom of expression, among others. However these promises have rarely been fulfilled.


Nanwen is characterized as a "social market economy" and includes aspects of central planning, private ownership, and cooperative ownership. Nanwen is considered an upper-middle income economy with a GDP of 1.995 trillion(PPP) and 1.17 trillion nominally. The GDP per capita(PPP) is 18,949 and the nominal GDP is 11,322. The service sector is the largest with industry marginally smaller, agriculture contributes the least to the GDP. Nanwen was historically an impoverished country owing to its lack of modernization until the mid 20th century. A period of strong economic growth under the single-party rule of the People's Revolutionary Front(PRF) was cut off by the brief Nanwenese Civil War, but the economy has since recovered and exceeded pre-war strength.

Despite no longer espousing communism, the Nanwenese government maintains strongly leftist economic policies in some areas. Certain industries considered of national importance remain in the hands of the state. This includes petroleum, metallurgy, shipping, a number of state insurance companies, and the state defense conglomerates. Another defining feature of the Nawenese economy is the presence of cooperatives at all levels of the economy. While PRF-era industrialization was spearheaded by state-owned firms, light industry and less centralized industries were filled by cooperatives established under the "Gonghe" system. Gonghe cooperatives continue to dominate some types of light industry, they are particularly influential in rural regions. During the privatizations in the 1990s, a number of large conglomerates with strong connections to the state were formed. These have become the titans of the consumer goods sector and particularly in export industries. Nanwen also has a relatively generous welfare state on paper, promising free healthcare and education, as well as cheap housing and insurance.

Nanwen's rapid technological advancement since the 1980s and especially since the 2000s have turned it from a nation based in heavy industry to one based in high-tech manufacturing and services. Nonetheless, heavy industry, particularly metallurgy remains one of the key industries of Nanwen. Exploitation of primary resources was a major industry until the 1980s, but it has increasingly been superseded by secondary industry. Nanwen is naturally not particularly rich in natural resources besides timber. Logging of rainforests was a major industry, but an increasingly environmentally conscious public has led to a decline in the industry in favor of tree plantations. With few exceptions, the large coastal cities are the linchpins of the Nanwen economy where factories produce secondary goods like electronics, chemicals, and automobiles. Stemming from its electronics production, information technology has become a key industry in Nanwen. As the country transitioned into an upper-middle class economy, the service industry has grown substantially, particularly in entertainment. The government has sought to promote Nanwenese culture overseas and support the culture industry in general through state-sponsored pop music and animation.

Workers at a factory in Yunnan, high-tech manufacturing is a major industry in modern Nanwen

Economic Reforms

Economic reforms in Nanwen began in the aftermath of the Nanwenese Civil War. After the National Restoration Council seized power in 1992, it quickly issued a series of economic reforms based around the "shock therapy" doctrine. The start of the economic reforms saw aggressive austerity policies and mass privatization. Millions of workers were laid off and the economic decline only accelerated. A massive wave of unrest in early 1993 led to the formation of the NRF-DSU that subsequently took power over the state via an alliance with the NRC. The NRF-DSU reversed some of the economic reforms in favor of large-scale spending and re-nationalization of property of capitalists accused of "counter-revolutionary treason". Nonetheless, the NRF-DSU economy was far more liberalized compared to the pre-war economy. The post-reform economy has focused heavily on export-led growth with the state backing and artificially suppporting certain sectors of the economy.

One of the defining results of the Nanwenese reform were the caifa. These have become the titans of the consumer goods sector. These conglomerates have integrated with each other and the state into caifa or financial cliques. One of the dominant conflicts of the Nanwenese economy has been the question of the vertical integration of state-owned capital goods production and caifa controlled consumer good production. The caifa are particularly influential in the large Han-majority coastal cities. Caifa are typically dominated by a single family with each subdivision controlled by different family members. The parts of the caifa hold substantial shares in every other part, and the whole conglomerate is centered on a single bank. Unsurprisingly, the caifa families are mostly ethnically Han, of the seven largest, only one is not. The largest caifa are the ???(think of names here later). In recent years, the caifa have been accused of rent-seeking behavior and substantial violations of basic labor rights. There have been calls to restrain their behavior and even re-nationalization. However, the NRF-DSU is heavily dependent on the caifa for support and has not moved against them. The families that control the caifa are increasingly an economic nobility in Nanwen and wield significant power in the DSU-NRF. In cases where caifa fall into financial trouble, the government often bails them out to ensure the stability and growth of the economy.

Marketization of the Nanwenese economy has led to a rise in unemployment that was previously unknown as the state guaranteed employment. Newly unemployed workers supported the formation of a large informal economy of small merchants selling household goods and grey market goods from neighboring countries. As the Nanwenese economy recovered in the early 2000s and mass unemployment was alleviated, the existence of a large economy of small private businesses has persisted. Small businesses in Nanwen have struggled against the powerful caifa and state-owned industries, mainly competing against the cooperatives for market share. Due to the highly decentralized nature of independent small businesses, they are not as integrated into the social corporatist structure as other types of firms. As a result, the NRF-DSU has instituted a policy of "systematization" to convert small private businesses into cooperative federations or pressuring them to sell to SOEs and larger caifa. Despite this, the Nanwenese government has provided extremely favorable conditions to startups in certain sectors of the economy, particularly information technology. These include tax cuts, access to advanced manufacturing capabilities from the government, as well as discounts on primary resources from state-owned industries.

Agriculture and Rural Economy

Agriculture has long been the biggest sector of the Nanwenese economy as the country had largely failed to industrialize in the 19th century. The main crop is rice which is believed to have been domesticated around 9000 years ago. Rice has been the staple crop in Nanwen and its production the basis of Nanwenese politics for much of its history. Until the Ji dynasty, taxes were regularly paid in the form of rice. Starting around 3500 years ago, rice started to be cultivated using the system of flooded paddies that dominate Nanwen today. Around 35% of all agricultural land in Nanwen is occupied by massive rice paddies. During the period of Kodeshian rule, quick-ripening strains of rice were developed that allowed for multiple harvests a year. This contributed to a population boom in the 10th century that more than doubled Nanwen's population. Rice farming in Nanwen depends on massive irrigation systems, the ancient polities of Nanwen are speculated to have originated in order to control water. Some of the oldest structures in Nanwen are ancient irrigation networks for rice fields, some of which are still in use. A particular feature of Nanwenese rice agriculture is the incorporation of aquaculture in rice-fish systems. Traditionally only a few species of fish were used, however since the 1970s new species like crabs, turtles, and crayfish are being introduced as they become economically viable. Other key crops include sugar-cane, tea, and bananas. Most were produced in massive state-owned farms in the 1960s and agricultural exports were an important part of the Nanwnenese economy for a while. A diverse array of fruits and vegetables are also produced in less centralized private farms across Nanwen. These are generally sold through local markets.

In contrast to the modernized urban economy, rural Nanwen remains highly socialist in its economic structure. This process started during the Yang-Wei era as part of the mass industrialization program. In light of the Guoist regime's industrialization and fear of conflict with Qingcheng and Hydar, Yang Kui favored a plan for aggressive expansion of production and population. To quickly centralize and expand rural production, the government organized cottage industry and agriculture in rural areas into cooperatives. While there was initially unrest and a decline in productivity, the introduction of improved agriculture technology and the end of feudalism quickly led to an increase in overall production. The green revolution only further increased production with the introduction of mass fertilizer use. Agriculture in Nanwen today is heavily mechanized and uses substantial amounts of synthetic chemicals to maintain a high output. Genetically-modified organisms are also heavily employed and sponsored by the state. Irrigation systems in Nanwen are typically owned collectively or by local governments, continuing a millennia old institution of government control over water. However, the industrialization campaign was heavily centered on heavy industry and arms manufacturing. This left the countryside largely outside the scope of development plans and started falling behind the cities in income.

Deqen village, an example of a People's Commune

During the reform period, there was initially a movement to dissolve cooperative farms into private plots, however this was canceled by the NRF-DSU before it was implemented. As a result most rural cooperatives remain in place. In more connected rural areas of the Jinyang Savannah these rural cooperatives co-exist with SOEs and caifa, however, in the Sipsongchau where towns are much more isolated from each other and the coast, rural cooperatives are sometimes the sole firm. This results in the formation of cooperative villages, often called "People's Communes" or derogatorily as "socialism in one village". These villages effectively function as communist societies where all property is collectively owned and work is managed by the village council that also serves as the board of the village cooperative. Profits are usually directly used to purchase goods in bulk that are distributed for free as rations or simply free to take. People's Communes are usually centered on the specialized production of a small set of goods and are heavily dependent on exporting these goods to caifa or SOEs for external distribution. In recent years, People's Communes have banded together to mutually share goods as well as to collectively negotiate better bargains with urban distributors. As a result of the efficiency of their specialized production and lower prices, some People's Communes are relatively profitable enterprises. Some like the Deqen People's Commune known for its jade production are among the richest in all of Nanwen, though others that are more focused on agriculture goods remain among the poorest. Nonetheless, in recent years there has been a re-collectivization movement particularly in smaller villages that produce luxury goods.

Poverty and Inequality

Nanwen has a gini of 38.9 making it a moderately unequal country. The official poverty rate is just 0.3%. However there is a large population of the ex-impoverished that is just slightly above the deflated poverty line. Though poverty alleviation had seen significant success in the 2010s, it has also slowed in its progress in recent years as the government shifts its priority to the country’s international image and high-tech growth.

Since the economic reforms, Nanwen has become increasingly unequal. Prior to the economic reforms, Nanwen had been regarded as one of the most egalitarian countries in the world, particularly during the late Wei era. The country’s economic troubles and subsequent collapse into conflict led to the collective resources of the state being parceled out unevenly. This led to the rise of a mostly Han oligarch class based in the Eastern cities. Though the NRF-DSU regime subjugated most and purged those that could not be controlled, this led to a permanent imbalance in the distribution of capital. Capitalist-minded economic growth with a focus on GDP numbers was the economic policy that defined the reconstruction period in the 2000s of Nanwen. Recent Nanwenese culture has placed an increased emphasis on wealth, turning against the austere workerism of previous periods. This led to a rapidly widening gap in wealth between different classes. This inequality has manifested itself in many ways. Lower class Nanwenese suffer from higher rates of health problems and a generally lower life expectancy than their wealthier counterparts. On a regional level, several regions have life-expectancies more than 7 years lower than others. Poorer regions have also taken the brunt of pollution and environmental destruction. Class mobility in Nanwen has been relatively high however. Some of the NRF-DSU’s policies are inspired by ordoliberalism and actively promote competition by dismantling companies considered inefficient or stifling growth. As a result there are occasionally clearings of industries that allow relatively small businesses to thrive and rise to the top. Nonetheless, widening inequality continues to threaten social stability in Nanwen, with various factions within and outside the NRF-DSU harnessing class conflict.

An example of an urban slum inhabited mostly by migrant workers in Yunnan

The economic liberalization of Nanwen has led to a mass migration into the cities in search of work, however this has been limited by the residency system. People may only receive the benefits they are legally entitled to in their home districts, meaning rural migrants in the cities do not receive free healthcare and education. The cost of living in cities is much higher than that in the countryside, meaning most rural migrants cannot easily afford services in cities, especially at the premium prices paid for those outside of their residency zone. The process of obtaining legal residency can only be achieved with five years of stable urban employment. During the period of non-residency, the workers are forced to obtain their services via their trade union or employer, making their continued access to government services dependent on their continued employment. Therefore an underclass of unskilled migrant laborers have become a cornerstone of the Nanwen economy. Up to 36% of the Nanwenese workforce are non-resident migrant laborers. Nearly 44% of the population are migrant workers if those with residency are included. Migrant workers tend to suffer discrimination and exploitation in their urban jobs. They are forced to work longer hours and in poor conditions, wage theft is not uncommon. Workers have little recourse since they would otherwise be fired and forced to leave the cities. Despite this urban worker migration continues to be common due to much higher wages in the cities. Despite being paid lower wages than those with long-term urban residency, wages for urban migrant workers are still substantially higher than rural incomes. This means that rural migrant workers still travel to the cities in order to send money back to their home villages. Various regional governments have taken different measures to deal with the migrant workers. Some like Nanhaiguan have been more accepting, while Yunnan is relatively tough on enforcing residency laws.

Foreign Trade

Infrastructure and Transportation

Infrastructure has historically been seen as a cornerstone of the Nanwenese state. From the earliest day, the U-Wu state engaged in massive campaigns of road and canal construction across its territory. State control of infrastructure has persisted through every Nanwenese government. The Department of Works typically took on the role of building transportation infrastructure. Maintaining the imperial road network was a major expense on the imperial government for much of its history. Despite this, by the end of the Ji Dynasty, Nanwenese infrastructure had fallen behind much of the world. After the Nanyang Revolution, the revolutionary government saw infrastructure modernization as integral to economic growth. Zhang Siping has proposed that Nanwen build 30,000 kilometers of rail to connect the whole country. Under Yang Kui the government began a fierce modernization campaign, relying on forced labor at times to build infrastructure. Zhang Siping’s ambition was achieved under the Yang government in 1959, though with the deaths of tens of thousands of prisoners involved in the process. The Yang government also attempted to expand the canal network to create a means of water transport between all major cities. This was ultimately less successful than the rail program due to geographic obstacles, but several new canal systems were built giving access to the Tianmajiang most cities near it. Like the rail construction program it came at a heavy toll in forced labor.

Science and Technology


In the census of 2019, Nanwen was recorded with a population of 105,302,541 people. About 20% of the population was under 18, 59% were between 18 and 59, 21% were above 60. Population growth has declined drastically over the last few decades to reportedly around 0.1%. Much of Nanwen is affected by steep population declines due to migration. Nanwen’s population underwent rapid population growth in the mid-20th century from around 50 million to exceed 100 million by 2005, but the population is likely to begin declining soon as average fertility is significantly below the replacement rate. Immigration is not particularly significant to Nanwen due to major cultural and political differences with the rest of the world. Almost all immigrants to Nanwen are from Sanqing countries or other Kodeshian-influenced areas. Net immigration is relatively low and does not contribute to population growth.

Nanwen has a population density of 89.22 per km2. The distribution of the population is highly uneven with the population heavily concentrated along the coastal regions and in a few inland clusters. Large parts of Nanwen are almost entirely unpopulated. These include deeper parts of the Sipsongchau rainforest and parts of the Wu-Arki plateau in the south. By contrast eastern Nanwen is one of the most densely populated regions in the world.

Nanwen’s government has carried out many campaigns of demographic manipulation throughout its modern history. One of the most notable is the campaign to suppress the birth-rate in the 1980s due to the risk of overpopulation. The controversial policy placed extremely high fines on excess children after the second. Nanwen also promoted a campaign of eugenics at this time that encouraged the voluntary sterilization of the mentally ill and criminals. In the early phase of the program parents favored male children and aborted females, leading to a skewed birth rate. In response, the government outlawed sex-selective abortions and physicians reporting the sex of the fetus in general. After the civil war broke out the PRF government collapsed, the policy was abandoned. The modern Nanwenese government actively encourages couples to have more children with tax incentives and offers of residency.


Nanwen is a highly urbanized country with an urbanization rate of around 81%. The largest in Nanwen by far is Yunnan, which is also the capital. It has a population of more than 29 million in the Yunnan Municipality. The districts of Yunnan function as cities in of themselves. Yunnan was formed from the amalgamation of Old Yunnan with several surrounding cities in the former Xihai region that roughly corresponds with the modern municipality. Urbanization was a deliberate policy promoted by the Yang-Wei PRF government. The PRF aggressively sought to industrialize and modernize the country, something seen as requiring mass urbanization. During the 1940s the government carried out a policy of relocating “surplus villagers” to cities en masse and employing them in unskilled labor. This led to a period of food shortages and rural instability known as the Arduous March, but ended up rapidly urbanizing and industrializing the country. In 1935 it was estimated that only 15% of Nanwen lived in cities; this had grown to 50% by 1955. This growth was focused mostly in the eastern cities like Nanhaiguan and Yunnan, but Semkyin and Lokhla also grew to become major population centers.

A second wave of migration was tipped off by the civil war and liberalizations as millions of rural migrants moved into the eastern cities in search of job opportunities and modern prosperity. The government initially attempted to stem the flow of migrants, however they quickly became important to the Nanwenese economy as a source of cheap labor. This has led to the modern high rate of urbanization. Most cities display a strong class distinction between the migrant working class, the local working class, and the upper class. The government has sometimes moved to address the results of these class differences, but the fundamental system is seen as relatively beneficial to economic growth. The modern NRF-DSU government has attempted to reduce the overcrowding of Eastern cities in favor of settling migrants into interior cities.

However, not all regions of Nanwen have been as heavily urbanized. Beilin and Ninghui are the biggest exceptions. Ninghui’s population is divided almost entirely into smaller towns and villages with almost no major cities except Xian. Almost all of Ninghui’s settlements are characterized as company towns directed towards a specific industry such as a mine or factory. This is seen as most effective for allowing the Northern Development Corp to exploit the region for resources and develop it. Preventing large urban areas from forming is also seen as allowing more stability. Semkyin’s radical leftist government has similarly eschewed traditional urbanization in favor of abolishing the rural-urban division. Most of the region’s citizens live in an expansive low-density highly-planned pseudo-city that integrates urban and rural areas in sprawling networks connected by canals and light rail. Semkyin’s ideological radicalism was borne out of its control by the Red Guards during the 1980s student movement. The city’s policies have been compared to Democratic Ramay by its critics.

Ethnic Groups

      Hanzu (40.1%)
      Arki (22.7%)
      Qi (17.2%)
      Dzhong (4%)
      Hui (3%)
      Chan (2.8%)
      Mi (2.2%)
      Other (8%)

The three main ethnic groups of Nanwen are the Arki, the Han ,and the Qi. Nanwen is one of the most ethnically diverse countries of Eastern Kesh. The government officially recognizes 95 ethnic groups, and no ethnic group forms the majority. The Han are the largest ethnic group and historically the most influential. For most of Nanwenese history, the country was led by a Han leader. The Han continue to be dominant economically and politically in most of the country. The largest coastal cities like Yunnan and Nanhaiguan are populated primarily by the Han. The Han originated along the Eastern coast of Nanwen and expanded into the interior during the U-Wu period. The majority of the Han population continues to live along the coast, but large pockets of Han settlers populate the interior, especially in Hunan.

The Arki and Qi people are the largest ethnic groups besides the Han and dominate the interior of the country. The Arki U confederacy was once an equal partner with the Han Wu state, but the Arki now only constitute a majority in Kangzhou and Wuzhou. The Qi were initially considered inferior to the Han and Arki, and were heavily repressed under U-Wu. Despite efforts to assimilate them into the Arki and Han, the Qi still form a majority in Beilin and Linnan. In recent decades, significant economic migration of both Arki and Qi towards the Eastern cities have led to new populations forming there. In Yunnan and Nanhaiguan there are now Arki and Qi majority districts with their own institutions.

The remaining minorities of Nanwen form small groups scattered across the rest of the country. The Hui were, until recently, a majority in the Ninghui region. However Han colonization has led them to losing this majority. The Dzhong people are indigenous to the Wu-Arki region before settlement by the Arki. The Chan are relatively significant in the northeastern rainforest regions where they live alongside the Qi. Large-scale urbanization and economic migration has generally led to a blending of cultures and peoples in the eastern cities. Many ethnic minorities are now at risk of losing their ethnic identities.

Ethnic relations in Nanwen have been unstable throughout its history. The modern Nanwenese state has moved towards a policy of ethnic autonomy, both on a geographic and political level. A high degree of autonomy is given to regions in general, and particularly in areas of language and education. Wuzhou and Kangzhou’s education systems are entirely in the Arki language, while Beilin uses the Qi language. The Council of Nationalities grants representation based on ethnic groups as constituencies. Each of the 95 ethnic groups is registered into an ethnic election roll. The largest ethnic groups get their own rolls, while smaller groups are consolidated. Nonetheless there is still inequality between the dominant Han and smaller poorer ethnic groups. Groups of ethnic seperatist militants still exist in more isolated parts of Nanwen as remnants of groups that rose up in the Nanwenese Civil War.


The official language of Nanwen is Guanyu(官语) or literally “bureaucrats language”. It is nearly identical to the Guoyu of Kodeshia. Guoyu was introduced to Nanwen during its conquest by the Min dynasty in the 9th century. Guoyu, which was similar to the earlier native Nanwenese Han languages, was heavily adopted as a new prestige language. Even after the collapse of Kodeshian control over Nanwen, Guoyu remained a prestigious language and the language used in bureaucratic administration. The large civil bureaucracy that was created under Kodeshian rule was entirely administered in Guoyu and therefore the language persisted. During the Seven Kingdoms period the Mi state attempted to suppress Guoyu and replace it with the pre-Kodeshian forms of the language. However, the attempt led to large-scale bureaucratic chaos contributing to their conquest by the Xin state. The native Nanwenese Han language never regained its popularity, this was cemented when the Ji dynasty united the country and promoted Guoyu which was renamed Guanyu. Over the centuries Guanyu diverged from Guoyu and there are now several differences. Guanyu has a particular tendency to use the rhotic suffix “-r” which is used heavily in Yunnan. The writing system of Guanyu is also different from the Guoyu writing system used in Kodeshia. Before the Nanyang Revolution Guanyu had already adopted differences in the stroke order and style of radicals. It also used some characters based on the pre-Kodeshian written Nanwenese Han language. After the Nanyang Revolution the language also underwent a process of simplification that drastically changed the language and made many characters unreadable to people literate in Guoyu. Modern Guanyu is spoken by nearly the entire Nanwenese population and natively(or a very similar dialect) by about one-third, mostly along coastal cities.

Several non-Guanyu forms of the Han language also survive, mostly among settler communities of Han in the North of the country. These are known to have mixed with Qi and Arki languages taking some of their features. Out of these, the Ba dialect of Zhongshan is considered the closest to pre-Kodeshian Nanwenese Hanyu. Nanhaiguan is known for its Haiguan dialect which features a different tone system and complex set of local slang that is difficult for outsiders to understand. The Arki and Qi languages are the two other significantly spoken languages found across central and northern Nanwen. During the 1950s, the government attempted to standardize these languages. Standard Qi and Arki are taught in school, however many more isolated communities and older generations hold onto their own dialects. Arki is written in two writing systems, the traditional script that has infamously archaic spelling, and the clear script introduced by the Ji dynasty. Qi had no writing system until after the Nanyang revolution and even today, there are rival systems derived from the clear script, Guanyu, and Latin script. Various other minority languages are spoken by the 92 other ethnic groups, however they are even less standardized and codified than Guanyu, Arki, and Qi.


      Irreligious/Folk Religion (47%)
      Xuanism (22.3%)
      Arkarita (16.2%)
      Wenzheng (9.1%)
      Islam (3%)
      Other (2.4%)

Nanwen is a multi-religious country with no single religious group forming the majority. The Nanwenese Constitution guarantees freedom of religion and declares the state secular. During the rule of Yang Kui and Wei Leifeng, there were some state atheist measures mainly targeted at the Muslim Hui during the Northern Frontier War, however the state is relatively religiously tolerant today. Religious affairs are overseen by the Department of Spiritual Affairs in the Ministry of the Interior. Since the Nanyang Revolution religiosity has significantly declined, particularly among the youth. The majority of the population is in some way irreligious.

Most religions in Nanwen are native to the country. The most organized is the traditional religion of the Arki, known as Arkarita or “Arki truth”. Arkarita is based around a complex cosmology that divides the universe from a realm of light inhabited by the mind of light. Within the universe, governance is split between the Sun god of life and the moon goddess representing death and chaos. Arkarita is governed through a system of high-priests and temples, it is headed by the High Priest that resides in Lokhla. By contrast, the Han and Qi folk religions are much less organized. They both worship pantheons counting in the millions of local gods. Both religions have complex sets of priests and shamans that serve different deities. Han religion favors sky gods and chthonic deities while the Qi favor forest and animal spirits. Shortly after the Nanyang revolution folk religions were repressed as feudal superstitions. Today Arkarita, Han folk religion, and Qi folk religion are generally the most favored by the Nanwenese government, many aspects are commercialized and promoted as part of Nanwen’s culture.

Xuanism is the largest foreign religion in Nanwen. Xuanism was introduced to Nanwen during the Kodeshian period. During the Seven Kingdoms and Ji Dynasty the Nanwenese imperial government tried to seize control of Xuanism and break with Kodeshia. The Ji Dynasty systematically purged and replaced all pro-Kodeshian Xuanist priests in Nanwen and switched the religion to follow the Nanwenese Emperor instead of the Kodeshian one. Otherwise the religion has remained mostly similar to its Kodeshian counterpart. Wenzheng is an organized blend of Xuanist and traditional Nanwenese religion with Artemian influences. It originated as an underground seperatist tendency within Xuanism that followed esoteric cultivation and worshiped animal spirits from traditional Nanwenese religion. After the unification of Nanwen under the Ji dynasty, Wenzheng underwent periods of both official support and persecution. As part of an attempt to create a spiritually based national identity, the People's Revolutionary Party tolerated and even supported Wenzheng, unlike Taoism. In the 19th century Wenzheng absorbed Messianist influences from Artemia and adopted a Messianist church structure. Wenzheng's following is mostly found in peripheral Han regions and Qi regions. Islam is a significant minority religion in the Ninghui region, followed by the Hui people that are also found in neighboring Hydar. Muslims faced persecution until the 1970s due to poor relations with Hydar. Today Muslims are organized into the Muslim League of Nanwen, which also functions as a political party and ally of the NRF-DSU.


During the U-Wu period, the Shangyin that ruled the polity was a scholar-bureaucrat from the Mi clan chosen by examination. In imitation of the Mi clan, other ruling noble clans started pushing a scholarly education upon their members. During U-Wu the Shangyin instituted a system of civil service examinations to recruit competent officials for the bureaucracy . The system of civil service examinations was borrowed from Kodeshia, which was heavily admired by the Shangyins for its power and size. When the U-Wu state was destroyed by Kodeshia, the protectorate established in its place continued the examination system. The Seven Kingdoms briefly led to a stop in the examination system as several states opposed it as a corrupt symbol of Kodeshian and Han domination. Nonetheless, the victorious Ji dynasty restored and expanded it.

Painting of the Ji Dynasty's civil service examination

After the Nanyang Revolution, education in Nanwen underwent many reforms. Modern scientific knowledge was quickly introduced to examinations and a system of public schools was established. Under Yang Kui, as part of the modernization campaign and qianlima movement, tens of thousands of recently graduated volunteers were sent into the countryside to promote basic education and literacy. During the Yang Kui administration literacy is estimated to have doubled from around 40% to nearly 80%. An experimental movement during the Wei Leifeng administration instituted student-faculty self-management in schools. This led to a massive increase in student radicalism in the 1970s and 1980s.

Nanwen’s has an official literacy rate of 100%. While this is generally considered inaccurate, the actual literacy rate is believed to be relatively high around 98%. There is little disparity between genders, however there are major regional disparities. Almost all illiterate people are in the impoverished regions of the North. All schools in Nanwen are public, however some are “special schools” that are authorized to function in different methods to the general public education system. Education is compulsory for 12 years, it consists of six years of elementary school, and three years of middle school. High school is diversified into several types. One type is special technical schools that typically provide technical education to students that have determined a career path and are operated by trade unions, employers associations, the military, or political parties. Another type is a generalized education in preparation for higher education. These always last at least three years however.

Nanwen remains internationally known for its system of examinations that regulate access to all educational institutions. These are administered at the end of primary school, middle school, and then high school if a student intends to attend higher education. The score the student gets compounded with their grades determine their choices for the next level of education. The college entrance exam or gaokao is the most rigorous of all, includes up to a dozen subjects, and takes multiple days where students are secluded in special testing facilities. Stress from the rigorous education system is believed to be responsible for high rates of mental illness and suicide among Nanwenese youth.


The Nanwenese constitution grants free healthcare to all citizens. Nanwen has a life expectancy of 78 years, 81 for women and 75 for men. During the Yang era, healthcare was distributed through People’s Clinics for free in most cases and funded by community taxes. The government pushed students to become doctors with financial incentives and dispatched them to remote parts of the country to improve healthcare. Nanwen carried out a series of massive vaccination campaigns to eradicate smallpox. Improvements to water infrastructure were used to reduce the spread of malaria and cholera. The government controversially carried out massive use of DDT to eradicate mosquitoes, which also devastated Nanwenese biodiversity.

Smoking is one of the main health issues in Nanwen

After the civil war in the NRF-DSU era, healthcare coverage has become more complex. Due to massive urban migration and less control over society, the system of communal people’s clinics disintegrated and was abolished after the civil war. Increased trade and wealth have led to major increases in the quality of treatment. Nanwen’s healthcare system remains mostly in the hands of the government, however it is much more expensive. In the present day, all citizens of Nanwen are guaranteed insurance coverage by the constitution. This is usually implemented through the workplace, with insurance given by either the employer, the trade union, or a combination depending on the industry’s policies. Unemployed people are automatically given an insurance plan according to their specific conditions by the Ministry of Health. However, this insurance plan is only in effect in a person’s resident region. This is particularly significant for the migrant population in Nanwen’s large cities that do not hold residency there. If they were to lose their insurance from their jobs, they would face prohibitively expensive healthcare costs, giving employers significant leverage over their migrant workers. Overall healthcare spending covers 9 per cent of the gross domestic product.

One of the most significant health issues in Nanwen is the large-scale pollution. Industrialization during the Yang-Wei era was carried out with little regard to pollution and smog quickly became a major health hazard. Coal power that drove the nation created significant amounts of soot. Large cities like Yunnan and Nanhaiguan were particularly affected. Since the civil war technological advances have somewhat decreased pollution, however it remains a significant problem. At its worst in 2002, it was estimated that spending a day outside in Yunnan without a mask was equivalent to smoking a pack of cigarettes. Since then, the government has aggressively tried to suppress pollution by regulating use of cars and phasing out coal-fired power plants. Other health problems include a high rate of smoking among older generations.